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Sector: Government Relations and Public Affairs

Starmer: what’s going on?

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By Tanya Joseph, Senior Counsel

 

It is hard being Prime Minister. All the hopes and dreams you had in opposition and during the campaign are dashed immediately by the reality of politics and economics. Inevitably the people who voted for you, who expected immediate change, are disappointed. Whilst it is not surprising that Sir Keir Starmer and his Labour government are less popular than they were at the time of the election. It is the degree of that unpopularity that is most surprising.

This morning, there are a lot of people, Starmer included, asking themselves how within a year of winning a landslide election did the Labour government have to abandon a major plank of its welfare reform to avoid a humiliating parliamentary defeat at the hands of its own backbenchers.

To be fair to Starmer he was dealt a bad hand at the start: there is much less money to invest in his growth agenda than Labour had expected and having promised not to increase taxes, wriggle room is limited. He has also had to deal with the fallout of the new Trump presidency: trade wars and actual wars alongside Trump’s very clear demand that NATO allies should increase their defence spending if they expect military backing from the USA. Mindful that the first duty of the Prime Minister is to protect the security of the country, Starmer increased defence spending, further tightening the room for fiscal manoeuvre.

Given their limited options, it was inevitable that Starmer and Chancellor Rachel Reeves would have to look at welfare spending to find some cash. You won’t find many, if any, MPs who don’t agree that the system is in need of serious reform but there is no consensus either on what or how to do it. Labour, with its 165 majority, certainly has the parliamentary power, and, with the history of the party so entwined with the welfare state, it has the legitimacy to grasp the nettle. But it faltered in large part because the decision was not taken as part of a wider strategy to deliver a clear vision.

It is a fundamental problem because without one you are directionless, constantly distracted by the new, shiny, and urgent; you will be busy but going nowhere. You also won’t be able to tell the story of what you are doing as a government and why.

To be clear, growth is not a vision, neither is stabilising the economy, they are priorities. All the talk of Starmer’s five missions has quietened. Now it feels like they are looking at issues one at a time with no golden thread tying them together. It begs the question on what basis decisions are being taken. Is it political conviction or Treasury exigences?

The result is disenchantment and grumpiness. Voters are turning away from Starmer and Labour in droves, Labour’s own backbench MPs are in rebel mode and the markets are jittery.

Thus, we have the government reversing its position on three high profile issues in the space of two weeks. Three issues where policy decisions hadn’t been properly thought through, the impact assessed, and communications plans made. Three own goals.

If there was an overall strategic vision, these issues could have been sense-checked against it. The Government might have come to the same conclusion on any or all of them, but it would have been more certain confident about those conclusions, better able to defend them and would have been able to weave them into its broader narrative.

The first hint that were was a problem was the winter fuel payment decision. In policy terms it wasn’t, in my view, a bad decision. As a universal benefit, the payment is a very expensive way of supporting the poorest pensioners. The large majority of pensioners might enjoy the benefit, but they don’t really need it. Does Elton John need it? Rod Stewart? Helen Mirren? There are already other, better targeted ways to support poor pensioners, but uptake is low mainly because of lack of awareness or the complexity of applying. So, there is a story to be told about how the Government is going to focus resources on the most vulnerable, helping them to access the support that is already there for them while freeing up much needed cash for public investment.

It wouldn’t have been the place I would start if I was going to cut the welfare bill and I certainly wouldn’t have just announced it within days of taking office out of the blue, on its own.  But this is what Starmer and Reeves did. No effort was made to explain why, what the government was doing to do to support poorer pensioners. Nothing. Voters were unhappy, the opposition parties made hay with it and it became a thorn in the government’s side.

Then there were the Labour backbenchers who had to spend weeks and months justifying the decision to their constituents. It was hard. As one said to me “making poor people poorer is not what we do”. For the most part they bit their lips publicly. But then came the u-turn. While happy about the outcome they were angry with the PM and his team for making them defend the policy and now they felt like fools. With the changes to personal independence plans (PIPs) on the horizon, they were determined not to be placed in the same position again and forced massive concessions from Starmer.

The price of those concessions will be high. Reeves will have to find £10 billion to fund the government’s investment plans and it feels like the only way she will be raise that money is through taxes. The political price is equally high. Starmer and his front bench have been made to look weak. How they recover from this will determine the outcome of the next election.

All is not lost, yet. But the Prime Minister needs to regroup rapidly. He needs to be clear on his “project” – where he wants to take us as a country and why and then build a strong narrative to articulate it. He might need some help but there are lots of us who can and will help. Of course there will events, both domestic and foreign, which will require attention but clarity on the project will help him get back on track. Without this, he may be toast.

Grayling Analysis: Spending Review

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Another big day for the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Rachel Reeves today delivered the outcome of her Spending Review, laying out the government’s spending plans for the next few years.

The review has been months in the making with ministers, special advisers and officials from across Government, negotiating with their Treasury counterparts against a backdrop of private and public political manoeuvring and strong-arming. Departments want as much money as they can, to get over as long a period as possible. This time round the negotiations were continuing up to the wire, with all manner of big guns being brought out to make the public case for their particular interest. The Chancellor has had to ignore the special pleading and focus on the bigger political objective: to convince voters that you are spending money on the things they care about while reassuring the bond markets that this is not at the expense of fiscal prudence.

Spending Priorities Revealed: Who Gets What?

Characteristically downbeat (she is very much in the Gorden Brown mould of Chancellors), Reeves spoke about choosing “stability” over “chaos”. “investment” over “decline” and “national renewal” over “retreat” and then proceeded to announce a surprisingly generous package of spending.

We already knew a fair amount about where she intended to shine her beneficence. So the promised increased spending for the NHS and to defence were confirmed. At the heart of the package was £113 billion of additional capital spending including £39 billion on housing, £14.2 billion on a new nuclear power plant at Sizewell and a major uplift in spending on transport projects across the country.

But, of course, not everyone was a winner. Some departments like Defra and DCMS have had their day-to-day budgets cut. The Home Office faces a 1.7% cut which should largely be covered by planned cuts to asylum support and the 40% cut to overseas aid contributed to an overall 6.9% reduction to the Foreign Office budget.

Reeves is banking on the huge capital spend boosting growth and doing it relatively quickly – the number of shovel-ready schemes which received funding is notable. She wants voters to see the tangible benefits of the Labour government investment before the next election. It is a pretty bet. She has very little wriggle room and there is much outside of her control.

Storm Clouds Ahead: Global Headwinds and Fiscal Risks

The statement came just a day after the World Bank published its latest global economic prospects report in which it downgraded global GDP outlook by 0.5 percentage points to 2.3 per cent. It attributed the downgrade to the “turmoil” caused by US trade policy. In the UK this turmoil has already increased the cost of government borrowing and if the economy doesn’t grow as quickly as now being predicted in her budget in the Autumn, Reeves will have very little choice than to put up taxes. Not something she will want to do. I am sure there are lots of crossed fingers at Numbers 10 and 11 Downing Street.

 

To speak with our team of Public Affairs specialists, contact alan.boyd-hall@grayling.com. 

Informe de los 23 Consejos informales europeos bajo la presidencia española

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Durante la presidencia española de la Unión Europea, España fue sede de 23 reuniones ministeriales clave. Por ello, nuestro equipo de Asuntos Públicos ha elaborado el INFORME DE LOS 23 CONSEJOS INFORMALES EUROPEOS BAJO LA PRESIDENCIA ESPAÑOLA, el cual ofrece una visión integral de las interacciones y decisiones políticas realizadas en cada sesión.

Descarga esta herramienta indispensable para entender las dinámicas actuales y futuras en el contexto europeo

INFORME DE LOS 23 CONSEJOS INFORMALES EUROPEOS – GRAYLING ESPAÑA

Government Reshuffle: The Opening Act

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When it comes to Cabinet reshuffles, most politicians are well versed in the day’s proceedings. An anxious wait, a scurry to Number 10, a forced smile to the press – regardless of a promotion, demotion, or full-blown defenestration. As some ministers wait to know their fate, few would have woken up this morning and accurately guessed how the day would unfold. Before most had the chance to make a cup of coffee, Rishi Sunak had already rolled the dice on one of the greatest political gambles we’ve seen in recent years.

Westminster has been awash with reshuffle rumours since party conference season. With the Conservatives trailing heavily in the polls – and key events such as the Autumn Statement fast approaching – there was little doubt that Sunak would reshuffle his top team to prepare for the impending general election and once again attempt to reset his fortunes. Plus, with Suella Braverman’s controversial article in The Times critiquing the police without Number 10 approval, the Prime Minister seized his opportunity to stamp his authority on the government machine.

Braverman’s sacking would have no doubt stolen today’s broadsheet headlines if it weren’t for Sunak’s “dead cat strategy” – a Cabinet appointment leaving SW1 in total shock. Enter the stage – David Cameron. The former Prime Minister was this morning created a life peer in order to take up the position of Foreign Secretary, in an attempt to reclaim the centre ground from Labour.

The reshuffle of the great offices of state also raises serious policy dilemmas. The new Home Secretary, James Cleverly has publicly lobbied against Braverman’s decision to place 1,700 asylum seekers on the former RAF Wethersfield, a decision which will now fall under his remit – leaving the Government’s immigration policy here in a somewhat grey area. Meanwhile, only five weeks ago, Cameron was scathing in his criticism of Sunak’s decision to scrap HS2. Coupled with his own premiership denoting a period of closer ties between the UK and China – in stark contrast to this Government’s current position – most will watch with wonder as to how the Government will dutifully line up behind Sunak’s vision and reconcile its differences.

Elsewhere, Liz Truss’ ally and former Deputy Prime Minister Thérèse Coffey has been dismissed as Environment Secretary, while Conservative rising star Laura Trott has been appointed Chief Secretary to the Treasury. Victoria Atkins will be tasked with attempting to cut NHS waiting lists in her new position as Health Secretary, with Steve Barclay taking on the top job at DEFRA. This reshuffle has so far been characterised by bringing Sunak’s friends and allies closer into the tent, while promoting fresh faces that will likely play well in the pre-election media rounds.

As the week continues, we will expect to see further changes at the junior ministerial level. That said, we’ve already had multiple resignations from those who aren’t contesting the next general election– veteran Schools Minister Nick Gibb has left the DfE while Colchester MP Will Quince has stepped down as Minister of State for Health, having announced in the summer his intention not to seek re-election. For others, it presents the chance to refocus their attention onto an electoral footing, doubling down efforts to shore up their slim constituency majorities.

But there will be little chance to dwell on the changes that are being made. Next week’s Autumn Statement will bring home to ministers the challenging fiscal framework they now must work in – and while Chancellor Jeremy Hunt is safe for now, he will be fully aware his day of judgement will come next Wednesday at the despatch box.

The show must go on. Nervous waits will continue, while a few glasses will be raised in quiet celebration amongst those who have climbed the greasy pole. Yet few things in politics are certain – David Cameron’s return emphasises that political destinies are never straight forward, and the stage is constantly set for a triumphant encore, or a crippling opening night.

Authored by Ed Lavelle, Senior Account Manager, Public Affairs

Party conference season delivers anything but bread and butter politics

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Grayling UK FMCG Policy

Now that the dust has settled on party conference season, it would be remiss to say that FMCG policy was high up the agenda for either of the main two UK political parties. While HS2 dominated proceedings in Manchester, Labour Conference provided a platform for Kier Starmer to woo the business community during his Leader’s speech – albeit covered in (hopefully biodegradable) glitter. But there was very little by way of concrete policy for the sector to get its teeth into.

Perhaps it is to be expected that party conference season focuses on the big-ticket items for Sunak and Starmer as they seek to define their approach to the issues that will likely define the forthcoming election campaign – housing, energy, and transport, to name a few. Getting into the weeds of policies including Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR), Deposit Return Schemes (DRS), and restrictions to high in fat, salt and sugar (HFSS) products might not be too palatable for businesses or voters still navigating a cost-of-living crisis.

In fact, Rishi Sunak’s surprise move to ban smoking for the next generation was the closest either party got to outlining an approach to FMCG policy, and even this announcement was directly linked to easing the cost burden on the NHS. A cynic might even suggest this could be a ‘legacy’ policy for a Prime Minister firmly against the ropes.

But just how much is the decision to kick the can down the road damaging progress? Continued government delays to waste reforms have left businesses millions of pounds out of pocket, whilst Labour’s lack of clarity on recycling and HFSS policy makes it difficult for the FMCG sector to develop marketing strategies and plan investments.

To focus in on food, it has been six months since Henry Dimbleby quit his position as the UK’s food tsar amidst anger at a lack of strategy from the government on health and diet. Dimbleby, though, remains a formidable force, and following Conservative Conference, criticised the government’s decision to prioritise smoking regulation over the growing obesity crisis.

It wouldn’t be controversial to say there has been a lack of ambition to develop a coherent, collaborative approach to food policy, with the current government using the guise that any intervention will amount to ‘nanny-state’ politicking. For now, it seems the Conservative Party is keen to brush any policies that could increase the cost of the average shopping basket under the rug, to avoid the potential voter backlash.

On the other hand, the Labour Party signalled a more interventionist approach to tackling the obesity crisis and, at its conference, major retailers lined up to voice their support for mandatory targets and legislation to tackle unhealthy food – arguing that a voluntary approach isn’t going far enough.

While Labour’s shadow public health minister Preet Gill told conference a new ‘health mission delivery board’ would be established as part of a crackdown on HFSS sales and advertising, there remains very little – to pardon the pun – meat on the bones of Labour’s policy proposals. Labour will be aware that backing Dimbleby’s sweeping reforms could risk accusations of putting further strain on the pockets of consumers, and as such, the party remains paralysed on this issue – on the one hand pushing manufacturers to go further to reformulate, and on the other, avoiding saying, well, anything at all really.

So, what about waste and recycling reforms? Both EPR and DRS remain firmly on the backburner while businesses seek to understand exactly how the reforms will work together. Consistent household collections – or ‘seven bins’ – has been villainised by the Prime Minister himself, despite a similar policy proving hugely successful in Wales.

Given how divisive these reforms have become – with DRS becoming the first skirmish of the Internal Market Act – it seems unlikely that the technicalities of food and packaging packing policy will come into the limelight before the election. For Labour, a lack of resource in Shadow Ministerial teams may mean policy cannot be fully formed until, and if, the party gets into government.

But still, as parties’ wargame their election strategies, it is crucial to engage with influencers across the political sphere to outline the technicalities and genuine business impacts of policies impacting the sector.

On HFSS it seems likely we’ll see a change in direction to a more interventionist approach once any new government is in post and has got past the election hurdle, whereas packaging policy remains an open door ahead of DRS and EPR ‘go live’ dates in October 2025. But we know there’s an ambition to do more to boost recyclability and reform the waste system, so what will come next? It’s critical to engage now, to help shape and scope the debate, before the future direction of policy travel becomes too far set in stone.

Polling should always be taken with a pinch of salt, but it seems increasingly likely the UK will welcome its first Labour Government in 15 years – so don’t be slow to forge those relationships. With Starmer’s new-look Labour Party there is a legitimate opportunity for businesses to engage in the policymaking process, and to highlight to positive initiatives underway in the FMCG sector – whether promoting healthier options, low-and-no alcohol alternatives, or innovative packing formats.

At Grayling, our specialist FMCG team is well-versed in navigating this complex and volatile policy landscape. We are proud to help organisations:

  • Target political influencers and media to highlight the need for a supportive policy framework.
  • Navigate a complicated regulatory environment, identifying risks and opportunities on the horizon.
  • Hero the positive consumer story to tell on sustainable diets and packaging, building brand affinity.

To speak with our dedicated FMCG team, please contact Michael Broughton via michael.broughton@grayling.com

Labour Party Conference: Focused on winning

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As the curtain closes on Labour Party Conference 2023 – possibly the last before the next general election – we look at the key themes that businesses should take away.

Last year’s gathering took place against a backdrop of that Liz Truss Budget and a government on the verge of collapse. Labour’s lead in the polls was in ‘crushing landslide’ territory and, perhaps for the first time, there was a real sense of expectation rather than hope. The atmosphere was verging on giddy.

Labour Party Conference 2023 was last year’s older, more mature sibling. The watchword was ‘focus’. Rumours abound that the Shadow Cabinet, backbenchers and PPCs were under strict instructions to limit their refreshments and avoid any potentially compromising situations. It seemed to work; everyone was on their best behaviour.

The message discipline was impressive, and the extensive courting of business by Labour over the last year appeared to have paid off. Businesses were there in their droves, causing some members to mutter that the atmosphere was overly corporate. Senior Labour staffers didn’t mind, though. This was by far the most lucrative conference for the party in recent years, providing an important boost to the coffers ahead of the next election.

In response to the Prime Minister’s backtracking on net zero targets and HS2, shadow ministers confidently and consistently argued for policy stability above all, even if that means making some difficult calls such as not revoking recently awarded oil and gas licenses. In emphasising the economic arguments for ambitious and stable decarbonisation targets to drive private investment, Labour impressed businesses and avoided the trap that Rishi Sunak set last week.

Conference appeared to be a crystalising moment in Labour’s offer to business: we’ll provide the structures, policy certainty and stable government; we expect you to partner with us to drive significant investment. In a “third way” moment that would have made Tony Blair proud, Keir Starmer presented this in his speech as “not state control, not pure free markets…but a genuine partnership”.

The speech, while perhaps not delivered with the same verve and punch as last year’s, presented a clearer vision than we had previously heard from Starmer. That vision is taking shape around the idea of “national renewal”. The central premise of his argument is that the UK is broken and entering an “age of insecurity”, where the forces of technology, economic weakness, movement of people, and climate change combine to demand a remodelling of the British state after 13 years of Conservative neglect.

This is not “sunlit uplands” by any means, more a sober diagnosis of the significant challenges that can be overcome with hard work – and a warning to the party faithful and the country that change will not happen overnight. There was a strong feeling amongst delegates that Labour needs to not just win the next election but win big and govern for at least 10 years.

The big ticket policy in the hour that Starmer spoke had been announced by Shadow Chancellor Rachel Reeves the day before in her surprisingly tubthumping speech. Labour’s plans to radically overhaul the planning system for critical national infrastructure and building 1.5m new homes, including using development corporations to overcome barriers, sound bold and risky given how local objections can cause political headaches.

Alongside this, there was plenty for Labour’s core voters to get their teeth into, from VAT on private schools to the appointment of a Covid corruption commissioner. Naturally this wasn’t enough for some on the left of the party, who would have preferred less talk of fiscal discipline and more radical investment in public services.

But if the aim of the conference was to present the party as united, serious and ready to govern, then Starmer and his team will feel it is mission accomplished. However, while there was strictly no complacency from the party leadership, expectations of party members are running high. The pressure is now on to deliver the majority that they expect, for which winning in Scotland will be key. Anything less will surely be seen as an enormous missed opportunity.

To chat to the team about your organisation’s Public Affairs strategy, contact Alex Dismore at alex.dismore@grayling.com

Análisis de las elecciones locales y regionales de 2023: ¿la antesala de las elecciones generales?

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El departamento de asuntos públicos de Grayling ha elaborado un análisis para comprender las dinámicas y los resultados de las elecciones del 28M y del adelanto electoral 23J, con el fin de aportar datos e ideas clave para contribuir al debate y la reflexión sobre los cambios en el panorama político español. Puedes ver el análisis completo aquí.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Grayling gestionará los Asuntos Públicos de la Fundación Ingenio

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Grayling España ha ampliado su cartera de clientes con la incorporación de la Fundación Ingenio, una organización sin ánimo de lucro, que busca fomentar la innovación y la sostenibilidad de la agricultura del Campo de Cartagena. La consultora, especializada en Comunicación y Asuntos Públicos, se encargará de gestionar la estrategia para conectar los objetivos e intereses de la Fundación Ingenio con la agenda pública.

La Fundación Ingenio nace en 2020, impulsada por 10.000 agricultores y más de 40 cooperativas agrícolas del campo de Cartagena, con el objetivo de poner en valor una agricultura familiar responsable, comprometida e innovadora, que lidere los avances de la ciencia y la tecnología para hacer del cultivo de alimentos un motor de sostenibilidad medioambiental, económica y social. Los agricultores que forman parte de esta organización están enraizados con la tierra, emparentados con el entorno, comprometidos con sus gentes y con un medio rural que defienden como modo de vida ancestral, para las familias de hoy y las generaciones futuras.

En Grayling tenemos el firme propósito de sumar esfuerzos al servicio de causas, ideas y proyectos que tengan un impacto positivo en la sociedad. Por lo tanto, nos enorgullece empezar a trabajar con la Fundación Ingenio y para el sector agrícola, pilar esencial de la economía española”, comenta Javier Corrales, director de Asuntos Públicos de Grayling en España.

La división de Asuntos Públicos de Grayling España tiene una sólida trayectoria en el ámbito de las Relaciones Institucionales y el lobby, un mercado con creciente relevancia en el ámbito de la consultoría estratégica. Asesora a diversas empresas de los sectores de tecnología, construcción, alimentación y bebidas, farmacéutico, energía, entre otros.

La coordinación del cliente se llevará a cabo desde las oficinas de Grayling en Madrid y quedará bajo la supervisión de Javier Corrales.

Para más información, por favor contacte con María José Cuerva a través de este email: mariajose.cuerva@grayling.com

Diez respuestas a preguntas clave del 28M y del adelanto electoral del 23J

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Nuestro equipo de Asuntos Públicos ha preparado este compendio de respuestas a preguntas clave con el fin de que todos comprendamos mejor los significativos cambios en el panorama político español tras las elecciones locales y regionales del 28M, así como abordar perspectivas futuras de cara a las elecciones generales del próximo 23J. Puedes descargarlo en el este enlace.

Grayling publica su informe sobre la Presidencia Española en el Consejo de la Unión Europea

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Grayling ha publicado su informe sobre la Presidencia Española en el Consejo de la Unión Europea. La Presidencia implica una posición de liderazgo clave en la Unión Europea, además tiene como objetivos principales el promover y defender los intereses comunes de todos los Estados miembros.

Por ello, durante estos seis meses, se espera que prioridades políticas de la UE como la transición verde y la adaptación ambiental, la reindustrialización de Europa, la digitalización, la inmigración, los derechos sociales, la unidad europea o la guerra de Ucrania capten la atención mediática y política.

Puedes descargar el informe en este enlace.

Grayling Analysis – 2023 Spanish General Election

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Our Spanish public affairs team has prepared a detailed analysis of the 2023 Spanish General Election. The analysis allows you to discover the political takeaways from July 23rd, with surprising results that will have consequences in the Spanish socio-political arena.

The Popular Party (centre-right party) was the most voted list, although Pedro Sánchez (the current president from the centre-left party, PSOE) is emerging as the main candidate for the investiture. However, a repeat election is an option that cannot be ruled out either.

Click here to read the analysis in full.

Interview with Sarina Kiayani, Senior Public Affairs Officer, Dogs Trust  

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At Grayling we wanted to shine a light on the incredible women in the Public Affairs industry and the work they do. 

Over the next couple of weeks, we will be posting a series of interviews with inspirational women across the Public Affairs industry, discussing their careers and their experiences so far, how we can make the industry more inclusive, welcoming and progressive – for both men and women – as well as their predictions for the year ahead in politics. 

This week, we spoke to Sarina Kiayani, Senior Public Affairs Officer at Dogs Trust.

 

Sarina Kiayani is a Senior Public Affairs Officer at Dogs Trust. She has previously worked in agency at FleishmanHillard and Dentons Global Advisors. She is an advocate of women’s issues and is currently Women’s Officer of Young Labour, Membership and Recruitment Lead of Labour in Communications and Social Media Officer of the London Young Fabians. 

What attracted you to a career in public affairs?
I was always very interested in politics, having studied it at A-Level and university. When I graduated, I knew that I wanted to work in politics but not for a particular party, so that’s how I ended up drawn to Public Affairs. It was actually an internship at Grayling in my second year of university that made me decide to work in Public Affairs!

What advice would you give to women who want a career public affairs?
Joining networking groups, such as Women in Public Affairs, and attending their events is a great way of speaking to people in the sector to get advice on tips on applications. It’s also good to build your own political profile, such as through attending events run by political organisations and writing blogs, and to keep up with the news and key events like the Budget.

What has been your career highlight to date? 
Working with Carolyn Harris MP as part of the Menopause APPG to successfully lobby the Government to cut the cost of HRT prescriptions for those going through menopause. Menopause affects 50% of the population, with many suffering adverse side effects and unable to access sufficient treatment due to high costs. Because of Carolyn and her amazing activism, access to menopause treatment has now become fairer and more open to those on lower incomes.

What are your predictions for the coming year in politics?
The Government has been flagging in the polls for a while, so I think we will see them trying to retain their voter base as much as possible – the immigration announcements are just the start of this. The content of the recent Budget was another indicator of this, but I expect there to be more of a wider focus on driving up economic productivity and keeping closer ties to businesses through regular engagement to avoid losing their support – which is good for Public Affairs professionals, I guess!

How can the public affairs industry deliver gender equity?
Producing surveys and action plans to identify where there are gaps in organisations on gender parity, and how this can be addressed. Also profiling women in the industry, through blogs and knowledge-sharing events.